In
Tibet where there are currently almost a thousand political prisoners, is,
right now, no freedom of religion, speech or the press due to the Communist
occupation.
Occupation has also done severe damage to Tibet's environment, another source of pain to native Tibetans, who believe in respecting the Nature and Earth. The Communists have engaged in deforestation in Tibet and dumping of nuclear waste from their own country. Tibet's holiest lake, Yamdrok Tso, is now being drained by the Communists to use for a hydroelectric power facility. Moving on to another comparatively surreptitious and deliberately ignored and understated encroachment of Chinese Hegemony, Hong Kong.
Occupation has also done severe damage to Tibet's environment, another source of pain to native Tibetans, who believe in respecting the Nature and Earth. The Communists have engaged in deforestation in Tibet and dumping of nuclear waste from their own country. Tibet's holiest lake, Yamdrok Tso, is now being drained by the Communists to use for a hydroelectric power facility. Moving on to another comparatively surreptitious and deliberately ignored and understated encroachment of Chinese Hegemony, Hong Kong.
A young girl holds Hong Kong and Chinese flags as she poses for a photo before the Hong Kong skyline. |
HONG KONG RESENTS CHINA AND WITH GOOD REASON:
The traditional
distance between Hong Kong Chinese and their mainland counterparts was thrown
into sharp relief recently, after two widely seen videos dramatized the
cultural gulf that still exist between the two sides nearly 15 years after Hong
Kong’s reunification with China. In one, a cell phone video
disseminated on social network sites and Hong Kong TV news, arguments erupt
between Hong Kong and mainland Chinese after a local man tries to stop a mainland
girl from eating in a Hong Kong subway carriage. The other
is a response from a nationalist academic, Beijing University professor Kong
Qingdong, couched in language so virulent that at least one version was removed
from YouTube for violating the site’s policy on “hate speech.” The professor
says “Some Hong Kong people don’t see themselves as Chinese … They are bastards,” before adding “These people are too used to being running
dogs for British imperialists.”
Hong Kong’s colonial past (which actually resulted in their proclivity towards valuing "Freedom of Speech") is one reason why many see such a rigid delineation between “us” and “them.”
Large numbers of Hong Kong Chinese retain British or other foreign travel
documents and take a balanced view of the colonial era — viewing it as a time
of racial or social injustices, certainly, but also as source of many of
the city’s defining advantages, including common law, a global outlook and
media freedom. These have been contributing factors in a distinctive local
culture that has long caused many Hong Kong people to quietly regard themselves
as being far from ordinary Chinese. These days, however, the issue of identity
is spilling into a more public forum.
A University of Hong Kong
public-opinion poll that has been conducted every six months since 1997
measures the number of Hong Kong residents who identify as Hong Kong citizens, Chinese citizens or some
combination of the two. In the latest survey, released in December, the number
of respondents identifying themselves first and foremost as Hong Kong citizens
was the highest in 10 years, while the number who saw themselves primarily as
Chinese sunk to a 12-year low. The results hit a nerve: mainland officials
called the poll unscientific and state-run media lashed out at the survey’s main organizer, accusing him of working
for the British (typical scapegoating attitude of Beijing's thuggish leaders) to “incite Hong Kong people
to deny they are Chinese.”
In part,
Hong Kong people’s negativity toward mainland Chinese reflects discontent over
the Communist government’s control over the supposedly autonomous region.
Owing colossal credit to communist leaders in Beijing, the
dominant political forces in Hong Kong are pro-China, and the Hong Kong
government is viewed as regularly kowtowing to Beijing (Not reflecting the majority of Hong Kong citizenry). Hong Kong is
politically distinct from the mainland, most notably with its laws governing
freedom of speech and freedom of protest, and any muddling of this distinction
is “frightening” to locals, says Gordon Mathews, a scholar on Hong Kong
identity at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
“The greatest fear Hong Kong people have is Hong Kong becoming just one more city in China.”
Pocketbook
issues are also exacerbating political and cultural divisions. In recent years,
wealthy mainland Chinese have become a welcome lifeline for Hong Kong’s economy, filling hotel rooms and emptying designer stores (their
shopping sprees make up one-third of retail sales). On the other hand, their
speculation in Hong Kong’s property
market is widely resented. Mainland Chinese buyers are behind 30% of all
luxury home sales and there is a perception that they are driving up overall
property prices, leaving even middle class Hong Kong people struggling to
afford exorbitant rents or mortgage down-payments. Hundreds of thousands of
mainland Chinese migrants — many of them the spouses and children of Hong Kong
residents — have meanwhile put pressure on housing and school places in an
already overcrowded city. Even milk formula has at times become scarce in
supermarkets. After the 2008 tainted milk scandal in China, mainland Chinese
crossed the border to stock up on imported formula in Hong Kong, denuding
shelves and leaving local parents fuming. The net result is increasingly open
antagonism that can be triggered by seemingly minor pretexts. Earlier this
month, hundreds-strong protests took place outside the shop front of luxury
Italian brand D&G,because a security guard told locals only mainland
Chinese and other tourists were allowed to take photos in front of the store.
The area of
greatest contention lies in the numbers
of pregnant women from the mainland entering Hong Kong to give birth, which
automatically grants the babies residency, as well as the free schooling and
high-quality health care that goes along with it. In 2010, 37% of babies born
in Hong Kong were to mainland families where neither parent was a Hong Kong
resident. It has become alarmingly difficult for pregnant women, local or
otherwise, to reserve hospital beds in the maternity ward, even after the
number of mainland women allowed in Hong Kong hospitals was capped at 34,400
for this year.
A week ago,
dozens of pregnant women marched in protest in the cold and rain. The women,
along with hundreds more husbands and other supporters, were calling for a
legislative change to overturn automatic right of abode through local birth.
“If [mainland people] come here for the resources and welfare and are not contributing, then it’s a problem. It is out of control now,” said Zumi Fung, an expectant mother who was part of the protest.
The Facebook
group of 80,000 members that organized the demonstration has become
a forum to vent vitriol at the mainland Chinese in Hong Kong, who are called by the derogatory term “locusts”
and much worse.
The issue of
mainland mothers has become a central talking point for Hong Kong’s election in
March, when the chief executive will be selected by an electoral committee of
1,200. The two frontrunners have both vowed to improve the situation with
tighter border control and quotas. One of them, former Chief Secretary Henry
Tang, has also called for a more “inclusive” mindset to create a more
“harmonious society.” But it is doubtful that Hong Kong people will adopt
harmonious attitudes towards China or their mainland brethren any time soon. “I
think it will only happen when China becomes a democracy,” says researcher
Mathews. “And I’m not holding my breath on that.”