Chinese Communist Party's aggression is hurting US and others too

China and US with a strong economy and military though show to the international media that they are trying to clear differences, trying to ease their policies against each other, but in actual they are fighting a war behind the screen. A war of hacking each others's computers and stealing sensitive information and spying on top officials' email accounts.

The report says that both US and China are trying to do their best in hacking and spying but for a while US is in defensive mode whereas  

China has an immensely aggressive, or rather avid stance.

"The attacks coming out of China are not only continuing, they are accelerating"

―says Alan Paller, director of research at information-security training group SANS Institute in Washington, DC, as quoted by the Reuters.

It is believed that China has hacked terrabytes of information from US computers which comprise of almost any single information, from user names and passwords to the design of sophisticated weapon systems. China's policy has been to copy things and declare it as their own. China lacks new ideas thinkers so they have mastered in the art of copying and stealing.

It is not like that US never tried to hack chinese systems, just that they have not much learn from the chinese because all the information are stolen mainly from US or known to US.

A cable accessed by the Reuters through Wikileaks says that the attacks were coming from the sites which were registered in the city of Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan Province in central China. The Reuters also named the person as Chen Xingpeng whose job was to set up the websites using the "precise" postal code in Chengdu used by the People's Liberation Army Chengdu Province First Technical Reconnaissance Bureau (TRB), an electronic espionage unit of the Chinese military.

Not only military and political data was leaked but China also tried its greedy hands on US companies and market. Many tech companies, oil and gas companies and companies in financial sector reported that their systems were hacked at some or the other point of the time.

---

Major search engine, Google also said that their email service Gmail was hacked and many accounts were compromised who ever interfered in China's internal policy.

James A. Lewis, a former US diplomat says that the reason why China is these days trying so much to get access to US, Indians and other country's system is to keep its economy growing and at the second position.

"They've identified innovation as crucial to future economic growth -- but they're not sure they can do it," says Lewis. "The easiest way to innovate is to plagiarise" by stealing US intellectual property, he adds as quoted by the Reuters.

Main Source: Chinese and US Electronic Hacking and Spying War

CONTEMPORARY CHINA'S MIRROR IMAGE: IMPERIAL GERMANY

Original article by KirkRogers 04/25/2010 

China has emerged as the bad boy on the global scene, pushing around executives at Rio Tinto, attacking Google, and humiliating Barack Obama at the Copenhagen Climate Talks. Speculation is growing about China’s rising power and the country’s leaders are displaying a discouraging sense of hubris. There is growing fear that the autocratic Middle Kingdom will soon dominate the world. 

These fears have parallels with another rising power of a century ago: Imperial Germany. Both emerged quickly on the global scene and did so with an enormous chip on their shoulders. Like China today, Germany was a little late coming to the industrial revolution, though its cultural contribution to European civilization and in turn to American civilization was enormous (Ralph Waldo Emerson was passionate student of Goethe). Only after its final unification and triumph over the French in the Franco-Prussian War of 1871 could Otto von Bismarck, the great 19th century pragmatist, force Germany’s sundry states into union. 

Again like China, once united and in control of its own destiny, Germany grew quickly, harboring ever more delusions about its place in the sun. In the years leading to the First World War Wilhelm I, the competent Bismarck confidant, died of cancer. This allowed vainglorious Wilhelm II to assume the mantle of the state in 1888. Prussian militarism by then was backed by a massive industrial machine operating in complete fealty to the state. Germany’s new Emperor and his clique felt that it had something to prove. 

China, once the most advanced nation on earth, similarly has a passel of historical resentments ranging from the Opium War to the complete denigration of its standing in the world. Like Germany, China has viewed itself as an advanced culture whose time had now arrived. Like Germany in the late 19th Century, it has incorporated technologies from others about as fast as it could get its hands on them. 

When Deng Zhao Ping awoke China from its Maoist/Stalinist nightmare that ripped through the country under the guise of the Cultural Revolution, they were confronted with the disintegration of communist governments around the world. Chinese leaders knew that the only way to for them to hold power was to have their economy grow. This approach parallels the economic pragmatism in late Imperial Germany under Bismarck and the Hohenzollerns, who pushed economic growth as a means of promoting social welfare while simultaneously doing all they can to consolidate power in their hands. Bismarck created the first social security system not out of a deep seated concern for the proletariat but to emasculate the socialist party. 

China by the same token has not adopted capitalism because they want to move the country towards rule of law and greater democracy but as a means of justifying their continued presence at the country’s helm. China, much like Imperial Germany, has witnessed unbelievable growth because of these centralized policies. 

On the eve of WWI, Germany was the second largest economy in the world after shooting ahead of Britain and trailing America. China just accomplished a similar feat in an even shorter time frame. China passed contemporary Germany a couple of years ago and is poised to do so with Japan in the coming year. China is cultivating a modern-style imperial presence in Iran, Africa and Latin America in an effort to secure the natural resources that the country lacks much like Germany did. Ironically, China is doing more to raise living standards in Africa than any western aid program has been able to do. 

German industrial bosses were elites, most bore the titles of nobility. China’s bosses have been compared to the Emperor’s corrupt courtesans. The vast wealth of the Thyssen and Krupp steel dynasties can still be seen today in the massive industrial museums lining the Ruhr Valley. As in Imperial Germany, the military dominates large swaths of the economy. Germany in the late 19th and early twentieth century used its coal and iron resources to build the munitions factories that lined the despoiled Ruhr and Rhine. Holding even tighter on the reigns, China has developed an a strong state-dominated economy, forcing, for example, foreign firms to enter a joint venture with a state-owned corporation, which will quickly steal what it can of the western company’s intellectual property. 

The two governments bear disturbing similarities. Germany also had a vast bureaucracy attempting to tamp down any sedition amongst its masses. China is doing much the same. The most interesting parallel however is the rampant nationalism propagated in both Imperial Germany then and contemporary China. 

Of course, there are also some significant differences. China, for example, is much larger than Germany ever was. China is also not necessarily as instinctively expansionist . But it is extremely sensitive when it comes to Taiwan. The kerfuffle over arms sales to Taiwan last month provides more than enough evidence of this. Germany also had territories that it got very sensitive about as well. China’s attitude towards Taiwan and Tibet echoes the Kaiser’s sentiment towards occupying Strasbourg along the French border. 

Is China going to attack its neighbors and plunge the Pacific Rim into World War Three? It seems highly unlikely. China still has a lot of growing left to do. Large swaths of the peasantry are still stumbling along at poverty levels. China is also well aware of the US military’s ability to project force should it try to attack Taiwan. 

China may want to occupy Taiwan and there is none of the rhetoric among the leadership cadre about the need for Lebensraum that dominated conversations in German salons before the Great War. China’s leadership also appears far more competent than that of late Imperial Germany. But this may have to do with dumb luck. The Hohenzollerns up until Wilhelm II were all competent leaders. Could China be so unlucky as well? Could one idiot weasel his way up through the CP ranks? Who knows? 

China has serious problems with restive minorities and a growingly arrogant and repressive regime. It has industrial might, a massive resentment of western powers and a desire to get its own place in the sun. It does not have the same geographical pressures that Germany had and it is still not in any position to take on the US in the military theater and its rulers realize that. Though its economy is inflating, much of the population living below the poverty line. 

So far the technocrats over the last thirty years have been freakishly capable and have generally done a good job. The real trial of China’s claim to its place in the sun will be when a blustering fool like Kaiser Wilhelm weasels his way into the party chairmanship. Just as Germany was powerless to dispose of its ill-suited leader, China may very well be as well. If that happens, God help us all. 

Excerpts of "The Black Book of Communism"

 

Pertinent quotes from the best-selling book 

"The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression":

[by several European academics and edited by Stéphane Courtois]

“To be sure, the [communistic] model was applied differently in different cultural settings. As Margolin points out, the chief agent of repression in Russia was a specially created political police, the Cheka-GPU-NKVD-KGB, while in China it was the People's Liberation Army, and in Cambodia it was gun-toting adolescents from the countryside: thus popular ideological mobilization went deeper in Asia than in Russia.

Still, everywhere the aim was to repress "enemies of the people" — "like noxious insects," as Lenin said early on, thus inaugurating Communism's "animalization" of its adversaries. Moreover, the line of inheritance from Stalin, to Mao, to Ho, to  Kim II Sung, to Pol Pot was quite clear, with each new leader receiving both material aid and ideological inspiration from his predecessor.”

[Editor Stéphane Courtois asserts that "...Communist regimes...turned mass crime into a full-blown system of government". He cites a death toll which totals 94 million, not counting the "excess deaths"

(decrease of the population due to lower than-expected birth rates). Deaths given by Courtois is as follows]

“It is not always easy to distinguish between events caused by fighting between rulers and rebels and events that can properly be described only as a massacre of the civilian population. Nonetheless, we have to start somewhere. The following rough approximation, based on unofficial estimates, gives some sense of the scale and gravity of these crimes: 

Deaths due to Communism Country Name Number of Deaths U.S.S.R. 20 million China 65 million Vietnam 1 million North Korea 2 million Cambodia 2 million Eastern Europe 1 million Latin America 150,000 Africa 1.7 million Afghanistan 1.5 million

The international Communist movement and Communist parties not in power: about 10,000 deaths.

The total approaches 100 million people killed.

The immense number of deaths conceals some wide disparities according to context. Unquestionably, if we approach these figures in terms of relative weight, first place goes to Cambodia, where Pol Pot, in three and a half years, engaged in the most atrocious slaughter, through torture and widespread famine, of about one-fourth of the country's total population.

However, China's experience under Mao is unprecedented in terms of the sheer number of people who lost their lives. As for the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, the blood turns cold at its venture into planned, logical, and "politically correct" mass slaughter.”

“And the less familiar figures in Margolin's chapter in "China: A Long March into Night" are even more staggering: at a minimum, 10 million "direct victims"; probably 20 million deaths out of the multitudes that passed through China's "hidden Gulag," the laogai; more than 20 million deaths from the "political famine" of the Great Leap Forward of 1959-1961, the largest famine in history.”

“During Mao's Cultural Revolution, priceless treasures were smashed or burned by the Red Guards. Yet however terrible this destruction may ultimately prove for the nations in question and for humanity as a whole, how does it compare with the mass murder of human beings — of men, women, and children?”

"The book's second point is that there never was a benign, initial phase of Communism before some mythical "wrong turn" threw it off track."

[The Black Book of Communism received praise in a number of publications in the United States and Britain, including the Times Literary Supplement, New York Times Book Review, Library Journal, Kirkus Reviews, The New Republic, National Review and The Weekly Standard   ]

The Truth about infamous Tiananmen Square Incident

There are so many obstacles and versions about the Tiananmen Square Incident, mostly coming from the Chinese government that we feel behooved to ask,

"Is it at all possible to ever know the truth about the Tiananmen Square Incident (massacre)?"

Presently the truth has been made inaccessible and hazy, and it is far less likely that the reality will come to light until there is a real democratic system in China.

The Tiananmen Square Incident what started as a pro-democracy movement in 1989, after nearly two months deadlock, it eventually ended up being a tragedy in  which a number of people needlessly died.

To a certain extent, the government's immediate reaction was aimed to distort the fact.

"The state did give its own version of events immediately after the violence in 1989. Chinese television showed ragged protesters with black arm bands throwing Molotov cocktails and army vehicles set on fire." (Beam C 2009). 

This shows that the Chinese government wants to make people to believe that there was a rebellion.

(similar to how they handled the ramifications of 23rd July, 2011 train crash by enacting a virtual media blackout on the disaster except for positive stories)

They not only wanted to fabricate an alternate set of truth for Chinese people, they also tried to block the flow of information.

"...Some foreign journalists were subjected to an inquiry, their electronic equipment was also examined by the CPLA..." (Forney M 2001).

The COMMUNIST PARTY'S immediate reaction to this event show that their aim is to prevent the truth to come to light which also justified them to have further repression and censorship on ordinary Chinese people.

For example, they confiscated the freedom of rights to those people who want to tell the truth. "(and still continue to do so with self-righteous gusto). Free expression activist Liu Xiaobo, one of the leading figures of the 1989 movement, was recently re-arrested.

Several journalists, including Shi Tao, who was sentenced to 10 years in prison for sending an email about the Tiananmen Square anniversary in 2004, are still in prison for referring to the massacre." (RSF 2009). This, without a doubt, proves that the government less interested in allowing the spread of the facts from the inside.

In short, They don't want to disclose the facts.

Helpless, stupefied citizens showing bullets and shells to news reporters

Now, we all know (right? don't we?) that China's communist rulers (dictators) have distorted and denied the truth about what happened 20 years ago in Tiananmen Square. But they aren't the only ones. In an equally disturbing betrayal of history, Western human rights activists and liberal commentators have also twisted the sad story of the events of that fatal day, creating a fairytale version of events that bears little relation to what happened in those bloody days of June 1989.

Twenty years on, the Communist Party of China (CPC) still continues to play down or deny the seriousness of the protests and massacre. It insultingly refers to the events as the "4 June Incident" (as though something trivial or nothing had happened). It claims that "only" 241 people died, including soldiers, much to their dismay, some other reports (who?) put the number of deaths in between 1,500 and 3000.

Tiananmen Square, and the area of Chang'an Boulevard in front of it, became an army camp after more than 100 tanks came into the city overnight.

Ten armed soldiers beating a protester to death in during the massacre

Chinese Communist Party denies its citizens access to information about the events: search for "Tiananmen Square massacre" on the internet in China and you'll be told: "This page cannot be found." The truth telling pages are being put down or censored.

Tanks and a dead body on Tiananmen Square at dawn of June 4th

Western human rights groups have not indulged in such denialism, but they have employed much mythmaking of their own, airbrushing from history what they consider to be inconvenient facts and creating a neat but terribly skewed morality tale about June 1989.

The main victims were workers in Beijing suburbs - now forgotten by the West Thanks to the images propagated by groups like Amnesty and Human Rights Watch, most Westerners think the Tiananmen Square Massacre involved Chinese soldiers shooting pro-democracy students in the central square of Beijing.

Famous "students vs tanks" Image

The most famous image from the protests - that of a student standing in front of tanks - strengthens the idea that was a simple Students vs Soldiers story. This is unforgivably  inaccurate.

It is of course true that in May and June 1989 many students set up camp in Tiananmen, where they demanded democratic and economic reforms, and that some of them suffered when the CPC launched its military clampdown on 3 and 4 June. Yet there were uprisings across Beijing, and in other parts of China, and the main victims of the unspeakable violence - now largely forgotten thanks to Western human rights activism - were not students in the square, but ordinary workers miles away in the suburbs of Beijing.

The Chinese authorities sent their tanks to crush a workers' rebellion. In their fascinating book Black Hands of Beijing: Lives of Defiance in China's Democracy Movement, human rights experts George Black and Robin Munro wrote:

"What took place was the slaughter not of students but of ordinary workers and residents - precisely the target that the Chinese government had intended."

Black and Munro point out that the workers of Beijing, whose lives had become harsher as a result of Premier Deng Xiaoping's introduction of crude market reforms from the late 1970s onwards,  had "much more to be angry about than the students", and the CPC's aim was to "crush them".

The fact of the matter is that the worst state violence occurred miles away from Tiananmen Square in the western suburbs of Beijing, where, as China expert Jonathan Fenby puts it, there was a "far bigger massacre of non-students". Hundreds of workers were gunned down in the streets, which is why some people, including many Chinese dissidents, refer to the events as "the Beijing massacre" rather than the "Tiananmen Square massacre".

Military personnel cleaning up the mess

Indeed, just as the CPC's use of the term "4 June Incident"  for referring to that incident and the derogatory term "ruffians" or "rioter" for referring to the victims, gives the impression that this was a minor event, so the Western-created name of "Tiananmen Square massacre" depicts a serious city-wide uprising as a small-scale, one-square clash.

Jay Mathews, former Beijing correspondent for the Washington Post, says Western journalists have spread irresponsible stories about a square-based massacre:

"Hundreds of people, most of them workers and passers-by, did die that night", he says, "but in a different place [to the square] and under different circumstances".

Yet if you question Western representations of June 1989, says Mathews, you'll be looked upon as a pedant or worse, a Tiananmen denier. Tell journalists they have given misleading accounts and they will say:

"So what? The Chinese army killed many innocent people that night. Who cares exactly where the atrocities took place?"

In China, debate about June 1989 is curtailed by censorship - in the West it is discouraged by those who have propagated the simplistic Square story.

Perhaps feeling they have more in common with the students in the square - who, unlike many of the rioting workers, were peaceful and erudite - Western observers have made the students the central focus of the June 1989 story. Whether wittingly or unwittingly, they have pushed from public view the key victims of the Beijing Massacre.

They have also, in a terrible irony, done the Chinese authorities a favor, helping to represent what was a state-shaking uprising by thousands of workers, residents and students in Beijing and beyond as a relatively small, polite, Amnesty-style protest for "reform".

Read more: Here

Hong Kong, next level of China's Communist Imperialism

In Tibet where there are currently almost a thousand political prisoners, is, right now, no freedom of religion, speech or the press due to the Communist occupation.

Occupation has also done severe damage to Tibet's environment, another source of pain to native Tibetans, who believe in respecting the Nature and Earth. The Communists have engaged in deforestation in Tibet and dumping of nuclear waste from their own country. Tibet's holiest lake, Yamdrok Tso, is now being drained by the Communists to use for a hydroelectric power facility. Moving on to another comparatively surreptitious and deliberately ignored and understated encroachment of Chinese Hegemony, Hong Kong.

A young girl holds Hong Kong and Chinese flags as she poses for a photo before the Hong Kong skyline.

HONG KONG RESENTS CHINA AND WITH GOOD REASON:                                          

The traditional distance between Hong Kong Chinese and their mainland counterparts was thrown into sharp relief recently, after two widely seen videos dramatized the cultural gulf that still exist between the two sides nearly 15 years after Hong Kong’s reunification with China. In one, a cell phone video disseminated on social network sites and Hong Kong TV news, arguments erupt between Hong Kong and mainland Chinese after a local man tries to stop a mainland girl from eating in a Hong Kong subway carriage. The other is a response from a nationalist academic, Beijing University professor Kong Qingdong, couched in language so virulent that at least one version was removed from YouTube for violating the site’s policy on “hate speech.” The professor says “Some Hong Kong people don’t see themselves as Chinese … They are bastards,” before adding “These people are too used to being running dogs for British imperialists.”

Hong Kong’s colonial past (which actually resulted in their proclivity towards valuing "Freedom of Speech") is one reason why many see such a rigid delineation between “us” and “them.” Large numbers of Hong Kong Chinese retain British or other foreign travel documents and take a balanced view of the colonial era — viewing it as a time of racial or social injustices, certainly, but also as source of many of the city’s defining advantages, including common law, a global outlook and media freedom. These have been contributing factors in a distinctive local culture that has long caused many Hong Kong people to quietly regard themselves as being far from ordinary Chinese. These days, however, the issue of identity is spilling into a more public forum.

A University of Hong Kong public-opinion poll that has been conducted every six months since 1997 measures the number of Hong Kong residents who identify as Hong Kong citizens, Chinese citizens or some combination of the two. In the latest survey, released in December, the number of respondents identifying themselves first and foremost as Hong Kong citizens was the highest in 10 years, while the number who saw themselves primarily as Chinese sunk to a 12-year low. The results hit a nerve: mainland officials called the poll unscientific and state-run media lashed out at the survey’s main organizer, accusing him of working for the British (typical scapegoating attitude of Beijing's thuggish leaders) to “incite Hong Kong people to deny they are Chinese.”

In part, Hong Kong people’s negativity toward mainland Chinese reflects discontent over the Communist government’s control over the supposedly autonomous region.

Owing colossal credit  to communist leaders in Beijing, the dominant political forces in Hong Kong are pro-China, and the Hong Kong government is viewed as regularly kowtowing to Beijing (Not reflecting the majority of Hong Kong citizenry). Hong Kong is politically distinct from the mainland, most notably with its laws governing freedom of speech and freedom of protest, and any muddling of this distinction is “frightening” to locals, says Gordon Mathews, a scholar on Hong Kong identity at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. 

“The greatest fear Hong Kong people have is Hong Kong becoming just one more city in China.”

—given the Chinese aggression that seems more than likely.

Pocketbook issues are also exacerbating political and cultural divisions. In recent years, wealthy mainland Chinese have become a welcome lifeline for Hong Kong’s economy, filling hotel rooms and emptying designer stores (their shopping sprees make up one-third of retail sales). On the other hand, their speculation in Hong Kong’s property market is widely resented. Mainland Chinese buyers are behind 30% of all luxury home sales and there is a perception that they are driving up overall property prices, leaving even middle class Hong Kong people struggling to afford exorbitant rents or mortgage down-payments. Hundreds of thousands of mainland Chinese migrants — many of them the spouses and children of Hong Kong residents — have meanwhile put pressure on housing and school places in an already overcrowded city. Even milk formula has at times become scarce in supermarkets. After the 2008 tainted milk scandal in China, mainland Chinese crossed the border to stock up on imported formula in Hong Kong, denuding shelves and leaving local parents fuming. The net result is increasingly open antagonism that can be triggered by seemingly minor pretexts. Earlier this month, hundreds-strong protests took place outside the shop front of luxury Italian brand D&G,because a security guard told locals only mainland Chinese and other tourists were allowed to take photos in front of the store.

The area of greatest contention lies in the numbers of pregnant women from the mainland entering Hong Kong to give birth, which automatically grants the babies residency, as well as the free schooling and high-quality health care that goes along with it. In 2010, 37% of babies born in Hong Kong were to mainland families where neither parent was a Hong Kong resident. It has become alarmingly difficult for pregnant women, local or otherwise, to reserve hospital beds in the maternity ward, even after the number of mainland women allowed in Hong Kong hospitals was capped at 34,400 for this year.

A week ago, dozens of pregnant women marched in protest in the cold and rain. The women, along with hundreds more husbands and other supporters, were calling for a legislative change to overturn automatic right of abode through local birth. 

“If [mainland people] come here for the resources and welfare and are not contributing, then it’s a problem. It is out of control now,” said Zumi Fung, an expectant mother who was part of the protest.

The Facebook group of 80,000 members that organized the demonstration has become a forum to vent vitriol at the mainland Chinese in Hong Kong, who are called by the derogatory term “locusts” and much worse.

The issue of mainland mothers has become a central talking point for Hong Kong’s election in March, when the chief executive will be selected by an electoral committee of 1,200. The two frontrunners have both vowed to improve the situation with tighter border control and quotas. One of them, former Chief Secretary Henry Tang, has also called for a more “inclusive” mindset to create a more “harmonious society.” But it is doubtful that Hong Kong people will adopt harmonious attitudes towards China or their mainland brethren any time soon. “I think it will only happen when China becomes a democracy,” says researcher Mathews. “And I’m not holding my breath on that.”

CHINESE OCCUPATION OF TIBET HAS TURNED IT INTO "HELL ON EARTH"

Save Tibet. Save Tibet Tibetan nuns protesting diabolical Chinese oppression, 2011

"At age 24, I became a refugee," Dalai Lama said at one point. "I lost my home in Tibet but found a bigger home in India."

India since then (1959 A.D.) maintains that His Holiness is an honored guest and, as a spiritual leader, has the right to address nonpolitical gatherings.

For six decades, the Dalai Lama presided over Tibet's government-in-exile from the north Indian town of Dharamsala, until in May this year when he gave up his political powers to Sangay, an elected representative.

While he refrained from any references to China, he did not hesitate to draw on examples of the acts of "hard-line Chinese officials" who were against his stay in India, including that in 2008, when he caused a stir by asserting that an area Communist China brashly claims as "South Tibet" was actually part of the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh.

After the Dalai Lama's revealing speech, thousands of young Tibetans took to the streets chanting "China Out!" and "Tibet belongs to Tibetans!"

A Tibetan broke into tears for Freedom in Tibet (Nangsa)

Tibetan crying helplessly

Tibet has become "hell on earth" under Chinese oppression that has driven Tibetan culture to the verge of extinction, the Dalai Lama said Tuesday, in harsh comments marking the 50th anniversary of the failed uprising that sent him into exile.

Tibetan Natives arrested for protesting against draconian Chinese oppression

Chinese martial law, and hard-line policies such as the Cultural Revolution, devastated the mountain region and left hundreds of thousands of Tibetans dead, he said, condemning the "brutal crackdown" in the region since protests last year turned violent. 

"Even today, Tibetans in Tibet live in constant fear, and the Chinese authorities remain constantly suspicious of them," the Dalai Lama said in this Indian hill town.

A petrified Tibetan begging for freedom

In India, the Tibetan spiritual leader told a group of about 2,000 people, including Buddhist monks, Tibetan schoolchildren and a handful of foreign supporters, that the religion, culture, language and identity of successive generations of Tibetans faced "extinction." Tibetans in Tibet were living in "hell on earth," he added. 

"I have no doubt that the justice of Tibetan cause will prevail if we continue to tread a path of truth and non-violence," he said. 

Foreign demonstrators marching against China's illegitimate occupation of FREE Tibet

Later, at a press conference, he said he'd become deeply discouraged about repeated rounds of failed talks between his representatives and Beijing.

"We have to prepare for the worst. At the same time, we should not give up our hope," he said.

"The Chinese government thinks I am a demon, " the Dalai Lama said at an event in Kolkata on Friday, laughing. "I may be a demon but not a bad one."

Tenzin Dorjee, Executive Director of Students for a Free Tibet:

“In spite of China’s repression, there is a powerful new movement being led by the young generation inside Tibet. They are using creative, non-violent tactics to empower themselves and their communities and to challenge Chinese rule”

Chinese oppression compelled Tibetan journalist to flee Tibet for possessing photos.

On 23 January 2012, Chinese security forces opened fire on Tibetan protesters, killing at least one man, earlier that day.

Free Tibet is aware of up to 30 others who have been injured, many of them shot, after a large gathering in Draggo (also known as Drango) was fired upon. The situation is still ongoing.

(Heartless) Chinese Security Forces

Tibetans shot

The dead man has been named as Norpa Yonten, a 49-year-old lay person from Norpa village, Norchung township in Draggo County. His body has been taken to the nearby Draggo monastery.

At least one other person has been taken to the monastery with gunshot wounds. Locals are fearful to take the injured to hospital in case they are arrested.

Tibetans are reportedly travelling to Draggo and large crowds are gathering in the grounds of the monastery.

Arrest of Tibetans

It is still unclear what sparked the protest. There are reports that Tibetans around Draggo were arrested this morning on suspicion of distributing leaflets and posters calling for freedom and the protest was a response to these arbitrary detentions.

There are also claims that it was in response to celebrations marking the Chinese New Year which many local Tibetans had decided to boycott due to the growing unrest.

 

The protesters were heard to call out for freedom for Tibet and the return of the Dalai Lama.

Internet access is now banned in Draggo.

[October, 2011] Protesters in London to protest against China's occupation of Tibet and the ongoing mind-boggling repression there

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